The
fellow-workers in the same trade and society at large have a distinct
and recognizable interest in the conditions of the work of one another.
A, by keeping his shop open on Sundays, or for long hours on week-days,
is able to compel B, C, D, and all the rest of his trade competitors to
do the same. A minority of workmen by accepting low wages, or working
over-time, are often able to compel the majority to do the same. There
is no labour-contract or other commercial act which merely regards the
interest of the parties directly concerned. How far a society acting for
the protection of itself, or of a number of its members, is justified in
interfering between employer and workman, or between competing
tradesmen, is a question of expediency. General considerations of the
theoretic "freedom of contract," and the supposed "self-regarding"
quality of the actions, are thus liable to be set aside by this
socialistic legislation.
(3) These interferences with "free contract" of labour are not traceable
to the policy of any one political party. The most valuable portions of
the factory measures were passed by nominally Conservative governments,
and though supported by a section of the Radical party, were strenuously
opposed by the bulk of the Liberals, including another section of
Radicals and political economists.
These measures signify a slow but steady growth of national sentiment in
favour of securing for the poor a better life.
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